1 Saudi Aramco World, 27/3 (May/June, 1976), p. 2.
2 Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, New York: Bradley, n.d., vol. V, p. 423.
3 Ghada Hijjawi Qaddumi, A Medieval Islamic Book of Gifts and Treasures, doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, 1990, p. 69.
4 Stefano Carboni, “Moments of Vision.” In Venice and the Islamic World: 828–1797, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007, p. 28.
5 For a sensible discussion of the King Offa dinar in the context of other Arabic script issues, see www.masud.co.uk/ISLAM/bmh/BMH–AQ–offa.htm.
6 For extensive discussions of a variety of borrowed styles and practices see Rosamond E. Mack, From Bazaar to Piazza: Islamic Trade and Italian Art, 1300–1600, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001; and Venice and the Islamic World: 828–1797, op. cit.
7 See for comparison the work of Pamela Smith, The Body of the Artisan: Art and Experience in the Scientific Revolution, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006.
8 Scholarly debate on this assumption is lively and acrimonious, with some scholars in the West arguing for the Quran being a collection of spiritual literary fragments brought together a century and a half later by unknown compilers in Iraq. For a brief and temperate presentation of the pros and cons of this theory, see Daniel W. Brown, A New Introduction to Islam, London: Blackwell, 2003.
9 See the translation by A. F. L. Beeston, Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1980.
10 Bukhari, Sahih, volume 7, book 69, number 494.
11 For numerous examples, see Michael Cook, Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong in Islamic Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.
12 See, for example, Lois al–Faruqi, “Qur’an Reciters in Competition in Kuala Lumpur,” Ethnomusicology, vol. 31, no. 2 (Spring–Summer, 1987), pp. 221–228.
14 A notable exception is a short–lived press operated in Istanbul by Ibrahim Müteferrika (1674–1745) between 1729 and 1743. In addition, European presses did occasionally print an Arabic Quran or texts intended for the use of Christian Arabs.
15 See Medjid Rezvani, Le Theatre et la Danse en Iran, Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose, 1962.
16 Ibid., p. 159.
17 Amnon Shiloah, Music in the World of Islam: A Socio–Cultural Study, Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1995, p. 137.
18 See two works by Anthony Shay, Choreophobia: Solo Improvised Dance in the Iranian World, Costa Mesa, California: Mazda, 1999; and Choreographic Politics: State Folk Dance Companies, Representation, and Power, Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 2002.
19 See, for example, Nesta Ramazani, The Dance of the Rose and the Nightingale, Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2002.
20 See Jean During et al., The Art of Persian Music, Washington, D.C.: Mage, 1991. Also Sasan Fatemi, “La musique legére urbaine dans la culture iranienne: Réflexions sur les notions de classique et populaire.” Unpublished dissertation. Université Paris X–Nanterre, 2005.
21 Martin Stokes, The Arabesque Debate: Music and Musicians in Modern Turkey, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992.
22 For a detailed history see Peter Chelkowski, ed., Ta‘ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, New York: New York University Press, 1979.
23 Metin And, Karagöz: Turkish Shadow Theatre, Istanbul: Dost Yayinlari, 1975.
24 Richard W. Bulliet, “Pottery Styles and Social Status in Medieval Khurasan,” in A. Bernard Knapp, ed., Archaeology, Annales, and Ethnohistory, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 75–82.
25 Jonathan Bloom, Paper Before Print: The History and Impact of Paper in the Islamic World, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001.
26 These are respectively the Arabic and Persian words for “market.”
27 For the story of this development see Richard W. Bulliet, The Camel and the Wheel, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1972.Back to the top.